1943 Grant h. Smith 1943 (1966)

Grant H. Smith The History of the Comstock Lode 1850-1920, Geology and Mining Series No. 37, University of Nevada Bulletin: Reno, Nevada, vol. XXXVII. 1 July 1943, no. 3, (revised 1966), Ninth printing, 1980. 305 pp.

Foreword:

     [p. xi] "The Comstock Lode is nationally famous for its huge output of gold and silver and its stirring history in the pioneer days of Nevada and the West Coast.

     "The Comstock, with this glorious history as one of the world's greatest mining camps and producers of the precious metals, will always attract mining capital searching for low-grade ores or bonanzas. The Nevada Bureau of Mines and the Mackay School of Mines, jointly, are striving to be a leader in publishing and collecting material dealing with that great Nevada mining district.

     "In mining camps, however old, well-explored and deserted, hope of a revival never dies in the hearts of the old timers; and the new rising generations of mining engineers stand ready to put their increased knowledge of geology, mining, and metallurgy, or of changing economic conditions, against the obstacles that closed the mines down.

     "Much in the way of fiction and semifiction and facts has been published, but there has been lacking a comprehensive, chronological mining history of the Lode, extending over a half century with a progressive record of the development work carrried out, the failures encountered, the bonanzas discovered, and the production records of the mines. This is factual material that both mining investors and engineers first seek when investigating the possibilities of a district or a mine within a district.

     "The late John A. Fulton, as director of the Bureau, over ten years ago, sought an author qualified to write a mining history of the Comstock Lode, who was qualified by both his life experience and his interest in the Lode to write such a history.

     "Such a person was Grant H. Smith, a mining attorney of San Francisco. His youth was spent on the Comstock in the bonanza days as an inquisitive youngster and young miner; then he taught school and studied law and was admitted to practice by the Supreme Court of Nevada in January 1890. His later life has been in close contact with the Comstock as attorney for a number of the mines. Being a man trained in collecting and analyzing facts, along with the strong interest and perception in the historical events that stirred men's beings and brought out both the heroic and base in their characters, he brought also to this work [p. xii] the judgment of mature years and an unflagging search for source material.

     [p. xii] "Ten years of research brought forth a voluminous manuscript covering not only the mining history, but also that of political and social history, and particularly the life history of the Comstock's outstanding character, John W. Mackay.

     "The present director of the Bureau is of the belief that following the present war, there will be, as with the last world war, a great revival of gold and silver mininng with higher prices per ounce than at present. Desiring to accumulate valuable information for that date, he prevailed upon Mr. Smith to take from his manuscript that mining material most suited for a Bureau bulletin, and with the aid and advice of the Director to rewrite it in the form of this bulletin.

     "Enough of the absorbing personal histories of the prominent men of the Lode has been retained along with many rare illustrations to entice the average citizen of Nevada to read and realize the importance of the Comstock and of the mining industry in the life of the State.

     "The University of Nevada and the Bureau have issued the following bulletins dealsing directly with the Comstock:

Vol. 3, No. 4-The Ventilating System at the Comstock Mines, Nevada, by George J. Young, 1909 (out of print).

Vol. 26, No. 5-The Mines and Mills of Silver City, Nevada, by A.M. Smith, 1932.

Vol. 30, No 9-Geology of the Silver City and the Southern Portion of the Comstock Lode, Nevada, by Vincent P. Gianella, 1936.

     "During the last two years the Bureau with the aid of research by the Nevada State Writers Project of W.P.A., has compiled from the files of the old Comstock newspapers and written chronologically, the "Individual Histories of the Mines of the Comstock," fifty-six properties in all. This voluminous material is in typewritten form for consultation at the State Library in Carson City and in the Bureau's office at the Mackay School of Mines.

     "In addition, there will be available at a future date as a gift to the Bureau, a detailed account of the operations of each of the principal mines covering hundreds of pages, compliled by Grant H. Smith in his research work.

     "Within the last decade the United States Geological Survey has made a thorough restudy of the Comstock Lode, Dr. V.P. [p. xiii] Gianella of the Bureau aiding in the work. Due to the all-out war effort of the Survey, this new material remains unpublished.

     "The Mackay School of Mines has in its library a large collection of books concerning the Comstock, in its museums on display an unrivaled collection of Comstock ores and historical relics, and in its files, a great accumultion of maps, company reports, and correspondence files. -Jay A. Carpenter, Director.

     " . . .

[p. 48] Chapter V. The Depression of 1864-Arrival of William Sharon-Civil War Spirit-Nevada Becomes a State-Stewart Elected United States Senator.

". . .

     [p. 48] " . . .The market needed but a push to bring it down and that was furnished by reckless, bloody extravagant Aurora, early in 1864, when its stocks crashed following the failures of . . . its ore . . . bodies . . .

     [p. 49] " . . . the panic of 1865 blasted their hopes . . .

[p. 50] "Alvinza Hayward, who joined Sharon and Mills in the Comstock venture in 1867, had already made a fortune through the ownership of the famous Eureka gold mine at Sutter Creek, California. He was a fine-looking, agreeable man, who remained faithful to his associates and shared in their good fortune until he and Superintendent J.P. Jones conspired to take control of the Crown Point away from them soon after its bonanza was discovered.

     " . . .

     " . . . In June of [1867] Sharon, Ralston, Mills, and Hayward took over the mills and formed the Union Mill and Mining Company. Two years later they controlled all the leading mines and had seventeen mills.

     ". . . "the Bank Crowd," in that . . . depressing year of 1870 . . . ruin threatened them and the bank. They had loaned three-fifths of the bank's capital on the Comstock and attendant industries, in obtaining complete personal control-and the luck discovery of the Crown Point bonanza toward the end of the year was all that saved them.

     " . . .

[p. 52] Stewart Elected United States Senator

[p. 52] "The year 1865 opened with a new State of Nevada fully organized, including the selection of two United States Senators. The dominating personality of William M. Stewart overshadowing all other candidates. He was not only the foremost lawyer, but an all-round dictator, including the leadership of the Republican party. When the first State Legislature met on December 13, 1864, he was promptly elected. Former Governor James W. Nye was chosen as his associate. Thereafter, during bonanza days, those honors were sought by men of great wealth and became bargain-counter affairs.

     "Stewart was as able and diligent a United States Senator as he had been as an attorney and was reelected in 1869. One of his early accomplishments was to secure the passage of the first Federal Mining Act, known as "The Law of 1866." He was also the father of the later and more comprehensive mining law known as "The Law of 1872." He ceased to be the ruler of the Comstock after his first election to the Senate. His mining and milling enterprises had not been profitable, there was no longer any mining litigation of importance, and his interests lay in Washington. When his second term expired in 1874 he did not contest with [p. 53] Sharon for reelection, but turned to mining-in Bodie, in the Panamint Range, and elsewhere-always without a success . . . About the year 1884 he formed a law partnership in San Francisco with William F. Herrin, counsel for the Southern Pacific Railroad. Although Stewart had not lived in Nevada for many years, he returned in 1886 and was again elected to the United States Senate (succeeding James G. Fair), and for two additional terms, with the assistance of the Southern Pacific Railroad. Nevada was ably represented in the United States Senate during those years, where Jones [1873-1903] and Stewart [1865-1874; 1886-1904] served as the spearhead in the contest for the remonetization of silver."

     " . . .

[p. 58] Chapter VII The Panic of 1865-Comstock Production and Profits from 1859 to 1866-Stock Devilment.

     " . . .

     [p. 62] "Owing to those unfortunate conditions, and to the vast amount of development work done below the 1,000-foot levels, only five companies, the Con. Virginia,the California, the Kentuck, the Crown Point, and the Belcher eventually paid more in dividends than they collected in assessments. Not less than $50,000,000 was spent in deep mining from 1872 to 1886, when the last pumping shaft, the Combination, closed down.

     " . . .

     [p. 63] "Editor Fred MacCrellish of the Alta California, the leading journal of San Francisco in the '50s and '60s, sought to lead a crusade against stock gambling in 1870 and 1871. In one issue, he said: "This stock jobbing business is simply gambling, and of the most demoralizing kind; for, unlike card playing it is pursued openly and has been regarded as respectable, just as lotteries once were. It is worse than card gambling, because the players are not upon an equal footing; its demoralizing influence more widely permeates all classes of society without regard to sex or age, and it breeds an increasing crop of professional liars whose business it is to entrap honest but credulous people." He endeavored to enlist the aid of the press and the pulpit and was making some headway when the discovery of the Crown Point bonanza created another wild market. (Alta California, July 16, 1871)

     " . . .

[p. 64] Chapter VIII The Law Governing Mines-Litigation

     " . . .

     [p. 65] "The Comstock mines were located under district mining rules similar to those of California. . . . When an ore body pitched through an end line into an adjoining claim (as when the Gould & Curry bonanza passed into the Savage, and the Crown Point bonanza into the Belcher) that portion of it became the property of the mine into which it extended . . .

     " . . .

     [p. 66] "It was largely upon the basis of the regularity of the strike and dip of the Comstock Lode that Senator Stewart was enabled-with the support of other western Senators and Congressmen-to pass the congressional mining laws of 1866 and 1872, which perpetuated the extralateral right and provided for the patenting of mining claims. Until 1866 the miners were without any legal rights upon the public domain throughout the West.

     " . . .

[p. 71] Chapter IX The Comstock Lode-The One-Ledge Theory Prevails-The Ore Bodies

     " . . .

[p. 75]The Ore Bodies

     [p. 75] ". . . The only great ore body lying on the normal footwall was the Crown Point-Belcher bonanza, which extended on the dip of the Lode from the 1,000 to the 1,600-foot levels. . . .

     " . . . Von Richthofen . . . was in error in assuming the ore would be of lower grade and that the recurrence of rich bonanzas like the Ophir and the Gould and Curry must not be expected. The Crown Point and Con. Virginia bonanzas were giants by comparison. They produced one half of the total production of the Lode and paid four fifths of all the dividends.

     " . . .

[p. 80] Chapter X The Early Bonanzas-The Ophir, The Gould & Curry, The Savage, The Chollar-Potosi, The Yellow Jacket, and The Original Gold Hill Bonanzas

     " . . .

     [p. 82] "The Ophir bonanza was rich but comparatively small . . .

     [p. 82] "The control of the Ophir passed into the hands of successive groups of speculators and the stock was one of the most active on the market for many years. In all its history the mine did not create a single millionaire. E.J. Baldwin, who was already rich, was wise as well as "Lucky" when he sold 20,000 shares to Sharon for $2,700,000 in November 1874 during the Con. Virginia boom.

     " . . .

[p. 84] The Gould & Curry Bonanza

     [p. 84] "The mine was a consolidation of the Gould claims , , , and the Curry claim . . . Both claims . . . passed into the hands of twelve men, chiefly San Franciscans, who organized the Gould & Curry Silver Mining Company on June 25, 1860, with 4,800 shares, four to each of the 1,200 feet of the Lode which they claimed at the time. Among the incorporators and trustee were George Hearst, Lloyd Tevis, John O. Earl, Alpheus Bull, Thomas Bell, A.E. Heard, B.F, Sherwood and William Blanding, all of whom became California millionaires after making a good beginning in the Gould & Curry . . .

     " . . . It was not until the end of 1861, when the "D" Street tunnel penetrated 40 feet of rich solid ore that the mine began to overshadow the Ophir and arouse hopes of future greatness that turned to ashes in the course of a few years. Instead of continuing downward the ore body pitched southward into the Savage where it was equally productive. Neither the Gould & Curry nor the Savage found another ore body in all its history, the exception of those which the Savage shared with the Hale and Norcross from 1866 to 1869.

     [p. 85] " . . .

     [p. 85] " . . .The ore body was mined over a length of 500 feet and a width of 100 feet, at its best, including parallel sheet and stringers, and at the depth of 500 feet passed entirely into [p. 86] the Savage.

[p. 86] The Savage

     [p. 86] The Savage was a child of fortune. Its first great ore body was found for it by the Gould & Curry, and the next, four years later by the Hale & Norcross, its neighbor on the other side.

     " . . .

     [p. 86] "The Savage . . . did not commence to produce until April 1863. For the next two years it was in bonanza . . . [p. 87] At the height of the "Boom of 1863" the leading stockholders sold out and wisely invested in San Francisco real estate . . . At the end of 1865 the mine was in decline . . . Further development work, however, soon disclosed the extension of the ore body and the discovery of the rich little "Potosi strike," . . . Another stroke of fortune was the discovery by the Hale & Norcross of a fine ore body on the 600-foot level in December 1865, one half of which proved to be in Savage ground.

     "Then followed three years of large production, during which the Savage was the great mine of the Comstock . . . the last [dividends] in 1869 . . .

     [p. 87] "In 1871, after the discovery of the Crown Point bonanza, John P. Jones and Alvinza Hayward took over the control of the Savage and ran the mine for the benefit of their mills. In the annual report of July 1, 1872, the superintendent, genial A.C. "Lon" Hamilton, stated that 47,505 tons of ore had been mined and milled at a loss of $3.25 per ton. The next year 33,414 tons were milled at a loss of $13.29 per ton, and assessments amounting to $640,000 were levied.

     "Hayward began to boom Savage stock early in 1872 by giving out mysterious reports of a rich strike, and by confining the miners underground-an old Comstock trick. The miners did no [p. 88] work and lived on the fat of the land. Great excitement followed. The price of the stock rose rapidly from $62 a share on February 1 to $725 on April 25. In May the Crown Point boom collapsed and Savage with it. There had been no rich strike; it was a cold-blooded stock deal that hurt many people. [Footnote:The San Francisco Chronicle of May 19 charges Jones and Hayward with unloading Savage on their friends.)

     " . . .

[p. 107] Chapter XII The Sutro Tunnel

     " . . .

     [p. 111] " . . . The [Sutro] tunnel was all but closed down toward the end of 1870; . . . The Crown Point discovery at the end of that year saved the tunnel as well as the Comstock; now there was no denying that great ore bodies were to be found below the 1000-foot level.

     " . . .

     "In 1873, after the Crown-Point-Belcher bonanza was yielding millions and the Con. Virginia bonanza had been discovered, Sutro went to London and persuaded McCalmont Brothers & Co. to float a bond issue of $7,500,00 to complete the tunnel.

     " . . .

     [p. 112] "Sutro became a candidate for the United States Senate from Nevada in every election for that office from 1872 to 1880 and did not receive a vote before any of the legislatures, although the money bags of the various candidates were untied. Tom Fitch was recalled by Sharon to make speeches in his behalf in the campaign of 1874. Fitch abused and ridiculed Sutro as only he could. His closing address, delivered in the Opera House on Octover 23, 1874, was a great oration, interlarded with poetry, historical references and flights into the blue. It fills six closely printed columns of the Enterprise of October 24, under the heading "Sutro Annihilated-His Contracts All Violated-His Robberies Exposed."

     " . . .

     "[Footnote: Fitch was irrepressible. When a Republican convention failed to nominate him for Congress, he rose and said: "Gentlemen: from the bottom of my heart I can now sympathize with Lazarus-I too have been licked by dogs."]

     " . . .

[p. 116] Chapter XIII The Hale & Norcross Venture of Mackay, Fair, Flood, and O'Brien in 1869-They Join the Water Company Which Brings Water from the Sierras

     " . . .

     [p. 120] ". . . The recent discovery of the Crown Point bonanza led men to believe that other great ore bodies would be found below, and Mackay and his associates decided to try to find one in the Con. Virginia, which had been a failure. That story will be told after the Crown Point bonanza.

[p. 120] The Virginia and Gold Hill Water Company

     [p. 120] ". . . in the fall of 1869, the new firm bought Sharon's interest in the Virginia and Gold Hill Water Company . . . the [Comstock] camp . . . was then in the midst of a depression. Fortunately, the Lode took on new life following the discovery of the Crown Point-Belcher bonanza at the end of 1870, and the energetic owners of the Water Company dared attack the great problem of bringing a new supply from the tops of the Sierras. . . [p. 121] the water was turned into the pipe, July 29, 1873 . . . August 8, the (water) flow came on again uninterrupted.

     " . . .

[p. 122] Chapter XIV 1869 A Discouraging Year-The Yellow Jacket Fire-Sharon Builds the V. and T. Railroad

     [p. 122] "The year 1869 . . . many of the lesser mines had closed down, and the leaders, with the exception of the few that had ore, were operating with reduced forces. Only the Savage, Chollar-Potosi, Yellow Jacket, Crown Point, and the Kentuck were paying dividends, and the limits of their ore bodies were known. The Sierra Nevada also was paying a trifling sum from very low grade ore. It was a memorable year for Sutro, for he was enabled after four years of disappointments to start work on his tunnel. The great hope of the year was the construction of the Virginia & Truckee Railroad from Gold Hill to the Carson River mills and to Carson City, which would reduce the cost of hauling ore and lumber and firewood by wagons and encourage the extraction of low-grade ores.

     [p. 122] ". . . April . . . the Yellow Jacket fire, in which thirty-seven men were trapped underground and lost their lives. [Another fire in the Yellow Jacket on September 30, 1873, on the 1,200-foot level, took the lives of six men.] Three adjoining mines (the Crown Point, the Kentuck, and the Yellow Jacket) were working on the same east ore bodies from the 600- to the 900-foot level and their extensive stopes were a maze of large resinous pine timbers. The fire, of unknown origin, started on the 800-foot level of the Yellow Jacket and had been burning for several hours without knowledge owing to heavy doors in the drifts . . . when the men on the morning shift were lowered down the shafts a mass of charred timbers in the stopes broke under the weight of the roof, sending a blast of deadly gas and smoke through the workings of the three mines. A few were hoisted back, many were suffocated, and others burned . . . three days . . . heroic efforts were made to reach the remaining men. When it became clear that all below were dead and that not even their bodies could be recovered at that time, the shafts were sealed . . .      

     [p. 123] "The last descent into the Crown Point prior to the second sealing of the shaft was made on April 12 (the fire occurred on the 7th) by Superintendent Jones and a young man who tried to connect a pipe with the blower tube. Foul air drove them out after fifteen minutes without making the connection. After the shafts were sealed large volumes of steam were forced into the workings to check the fire. Those mines, which had been among the most productive on the Lode, were practically ruined. The caved stopes smouldered for months and yielded but little good ore afterward. Instead of paying dividends all three mines began to levy assessments.

     " . . .

[p. 126] Chapter XV The Gloomy Year of 1870-The Crown Point Revival in 1871-The Boom of 1872-Sharon-Jones Contest for Senate

     " . . .

     [p. 126] "Stockholders were becoming discouraged and allowing their shares to be sold for assessments . . . Stocks had fallen so low that the market value of the mine was less than the cost of the machinery. This was especially true of the Crown Point and the Belcher . . . [p. 127] . . . the Crown Point was about to be closed down when the discovery was made [Footnote: "A year ago the Crown Point Company had concluded to shut down their mine in January, as it could only be kept workig by levying assessments and the prospects ahead were decidedly gloomy." Gold Hill News, September 16, 1871] . . . By a freak of fortune three of the most discredited mines on the Comstock-the Belcher, the Crown Point, and the Con. Virginia-were to be its saviors. While the stock market and [p. 128] the assessment system have much to answer for, it should be remembered that neither the Crown Point nor the Con. Virginia bonanza would have been discovered without their aid. . . .

     " . . .

[p. 128] The Crown Point Revival in 1871

     "When the black year of 1870 had all but expired, J.P. Jones, superintendent of the Crown Point, reported a discovery on the 1100-foot level. It was neither large nor rich but gave promise of greater things. Raymond, in his 1873 report, says the management "stumbled upon it" south and east of the point where [p. 129] the earlier east ore bodies had died out on the 860-foot level. [Footnote: It was said that credit for the discovery was due W.H. "Hank" Smith, the able and popular foreman of the Crown Point. Smith followed Sharon, became superintendent of the Belcher and other Gold Hill mines, and had a distinguished career on the Comstock and later in Utah.] Sharon and his associates, including Hayward, had been in control of both Crown Point and Belcher for years, although without holding a majority of the stock of either mine after assessments began to be levied. Crown Point stock rose quietly from $3 a share on November 19 to $16 on December 10. The market price of Belcher, meantimes, had increased to $7.50 a share. Development work proceeded slowly for a time and the reports were not very encouraging, due no doubt to the plans of Hayward and Jones who were aiming to secure control.

     "Jones' sick baby" was given as one of the excuses, which later became a byword on "The Street" in San Francisco. Jones, who was without means, induced some San Francisco speculators to buy stock for him "upon his agreement to bear all the losses in consideration of one half of the possible profits." Later, he advised these men to sell, "although assuring them of his firm belief in the mine . . . They regarded his story as a lame pretense," and began to sell short, which later cost them dear.

     [p.129] "The ore had been found only 200 feet north of the Belcher line, and, as it lay on the footwall of the Lode, there was every probability that it would extend into the Belcher. That stock also began to rise. Crown Point stock advanced slowly, with wide variations, during the first half of 1871, evidently manipulated up and down, reaching $300 in June. Belcher went through the same performance, and reached $240 by the end of that month.

     "Hayward, representing himself and Jones in San Francisco, began to buy Crown Point stock from the time of the discovery. Lord says: "His purchases were made so rapidly and shrewdly that he obtained 5,000 shares, nearly half of the entire stock in the company, at prices averaging less than $5 per share." That statement is questionable. It is highly improbable that he acquired that amount of stock at such low prices. The brokers on the San Francisco Exchange were quick to note a demand and boost the price. The stock rose beyond $5 immediately after the discovery and was selling at $18 within three weeks. A few months later Hayward bought 1,000 shares from Charles B. Low at prices ranging from $90 to $180, which assured control of the mine."

     [p. 130] "Sharon appears to have been slow to learn what was going on. It is probable that he could not conceive that his associate, Hayward, and his superintendent, Jones, would play him false. Instances of that kind were rare. While warring groups of speculators fought each other with all of the means at their command-deceit being the chief weapon-they played fair among themselves. It is quite probable that both Hayward and Jones had become rebellious over little Sharon's autocratic manners and methods.

     "Meanwhile Sharon had been manipulating Belcher and gathering in all available stock at comparatively small prices. His biography states that he and Ralston secured almost all of the stock in the Belcher at $1 a share. They must have bought it from the treasury, to which it had returned for nonpayment of assessments, a favorite trick of those in control when a boom started.

     "Sharon was bitter when he learned that Jones and Hayward had the control of the Crown Point, but made the best of the situation: "He proposed to sell to Hayward and his friends all the shares of himself and friends in the Crown Point mine, at the market price, on condition that Hayward and his friends would sell to them all of their interests in the Belcher." The offer was accepted and the transaction closed. Lord states on the authority of Sharon that Sharon sold his 4,100 shares of Crown Point to Hayward on June 7, 1871, for $1,400,000, which would be at the rate of $341 a share. This was by far the largest single transaction in Comstock stocks up to that time.

     "The boundary line between the two mines passed downward through the middle of the bonanza, dividing it into two nearly equal parts. The Belcher's portion proved richer and more productive so that the trade eventually favored Sharon and his associates, Ralston and Mills. In addition to the lion's share of the dividends, each group made private milling profits running into the millions, [Footnote: "A considerable number of Crown Point stockholders organized in May, 1877, and protested vigorously against the practice of the management in milling ore in their private mills instead of the company's mill." Mining and Scientific Press, May 19, 1877.]

     "It has been estimated that the Comstock profits of Ralston, Sharon and Mills amounted in all to about $20,000,000, although [p. 131] Ralston's speculations and widespread business enterprises broke him at the very summit of success. Sharon's biography says that "before the year 1875, the Union Mill and Mining Company had netted Mills over $2,000,000, and Ralston and Sharon over $4,000,000 each." Their other dividends and profits could not have been less than $10,000,000. Sharon said to George T. Marye, Sr., about 1874, that he, Sharon was the second richest man in California; his associate D.O. Mills being the first. [Footnote: The San FranciscoChronicle of January 4, 1875, boasting of the city's rich men, credits the following with fortunes of $5,000,000: "Lick, Latham, Sharon, Hayward, Reese, Mills, Baldwin, Lux, Miller, Jones, Ralston and Stanford." The wealth of some of these men is understated.] When Sarah Althea Hill sued Sharon for divorce, based on a marriage contract, in January 1884, after he had brought suit to have the alleged contract invalidated, she stated his fortune to be $15,000,000. His sworn answer denied that he was worth to exceed $5,000,000, which may be accepted as a coventional denial.]

     "The Comstock knew only Sharon and hated him for his ruthless methods and dictatorial manner; yet he was cock-of-the-walk only on the Comstock. During all of the early years he was subordinate to Ralston and never made an important move without consulting him. After the Crown Point-Belcher bonanza had made them all rich beyond their dreams, Sharon became more independent and, when the Bank of California suspended on August 26, 1875, followed immediately by Ralston's tragic death, he took the lead, and, with the aid of sixty-three loyal citizens, restored the Bank's capital and reopened its doors within six weeks.

[p. 131] The Boom of 1872

     "It is a feature of stock market operations that a leader carries the market up or down. That was the invariable rule with Comstocks. Speculators, rich and poor, were always eager to buy on a rising market. If their means were small they bought the cheaper stocks, which were certain to advance. A discovery in one mine raised the prices of all of the stocks on the board, often higher proportionately than that of the mine in which ore had been found. This was largely due to manipulation. When stocks were low and mines perhaps closed down, more of the stock reverted to the treasury for nonpayment of assessments. Then, on the first indication of a boom, those in control would purchase [p. 132] the treasury stock at the market price and proceed to boost the stock by wash sales and otherwise.

     [p.132] "The so-called "Boom of 1872," when 150 stocks on the board made such remarkable advances from January to May 1872, was a man-made affair, manipulated by Alvinza Hayward, who deliberately and openly boosted Savage stock from $62 to $725 a share on the pretense that a rich discovery had been made in the mine. The market followed as a matter of course.

     "The stocks of the Crown Point and the Belcher had hung around $300 a share during the latter half of 1871, and were worth it. All of the others on the exchange had advanced with them, but there was no boom until after the first of January 1872. the developments in Crown Point and Belcher by that time were so favorable that all of the other stocks began to increase rapidly in price.

     "It was then that Hayward launched his spectacular boom in Savage, partly for the purpose of furthering the senatorial aspirations of his partner Jones. They had taken control of the Savage from Sharon at the annual meeting in July 1871, in order to get its ore for their mills and to display their newly acquired power.

     "Toward the end of January 1872, Hayward gave an unlimited order to buy Savage stock, which was then $62 a share. Next the miners were confined, and the public denied entrance to the mine. No one was permitted to see or tell of a rich strike-which had not been made.

     "The whole market went up with a rush. Savage rose from $62 on February 1 to $310 on the 8th, fell to $230 the middle of March, rose to $460 on April 17, and to $725 on April 25. At that price the mine was selling on a basis of $12,400,000, which was almost as much as Crown Point and Belcher were worth.

     "Crown Point rose to $800 on February 1, then hung around $770 until the middle of March, rose to $1,250 by April 17, to $1,700 on the 25th, and to $1,825 on May 5. Belcher followed along with Crown Point, and reached the top, $1,525, on April 25. The San Francisco Bulletin of May 7, 1872, reported:

The excitement in mining stocks and mining claims during the past few months had been without a precedent in the history of our mines. Mining incorporations have been multiplied like the leaves of autumn. The capital of existing incorporations has been increased in the most lavish manner. Prices has gone up like a rocket, and in some cases have reached altitudes never [p. 133] dreamed of even by the most enthusiastic. Yet it is noteworthy that out of the 150 claims offered to the public through the stock boards, only four are paying dividends. These are the Belcher, Crown Point, and two companies at Pioche, Nevada.

     [p. 133] "The stocks in the 150 mines listed on the exchange (which included many scattered all over the West), had increased in value from $17,000,000 in January to $81,000,000 on the 5th of May. A crash was inevitable and was hastened by the moves of Sharon who was a rival candidate against Jones for a seat in the United States Senate. On May 8, Sharon let it be known that he had information that J.P. Jones had been instrumental in setting the Yellow Jacket fire in April 1869, in order to break the market at that time. The charge was baseless and almost absurd, although Sharon had the affidavits of several irresponsible men. The market had reached tottering heights and the sensation brought it down. Stocks dropped 30 to 40 percent. The panic that followed shook San Francisco like an earthquake; speculators saw their fortunes crumble . Crown Point fell from $1,825 on May 5 to $1,659 on the 8th, and to $1,000 a few days later. The Jones crowd raided Belcher, which fell from $1,400 to $750, but recovered shortly to $1,000.

     "One of Lord's best stories is spoiled by a little fact. He says that because of Sharon's charge against Jones, Crown Point shares fell to one eighteenth of their former price and hurried on a general fall in mining stocks, overlooking the fact that on May 15 the capital stock of Crown Point was increased from 12,000 to 100,000 shares (8 1/3 for 1), which left the price $100 a share. A few weeks later it rose to $135. Belcher was increased from 10,400 to 104,000 on August 1, 1872, and fell to $108 a share, which led innocent writers to comment on the extraordinary decline in prices.

     "The San Francisco Chronicle on May 19 says the financial wreck of the city is complete, and that "to Savage more than any other mine the wild furors can be traced, which, like a whirlpool, drew almost everybody in the vortex of speculation."

     "About the first of September 1872, a drift in the Con. Virginia crossed a fissure containing low grade ore., giving strength to the market, which continued to advance for over two years as developments in the Con. Virginia became more and more favorable and the Crown Point and the Belcher were declaring millions in dividends.

[p. 134] Sharon-Jones Contest For Senate

     [p. 134] "Sharon suffered his first defeat when Mackay and his associates took control of the Hale & Norcross in 1869, His supremacy was first challenged in 1871, when Hayward and Jones covertly secured control of the Crown Point soon after the bonanza was discovered. Five years later, the "Bonanza Firm" or the "Bonanza Crowd," as it was sometines called, completed his dethronement. The "Boom of 1872" made Sharon a millionaire several times over, but he was not content. He was a vain little man, not seeking popularity but fond of show and coveting power. A seat in the United States Senate would gratify both. The only man in his way was John P. Jones, who less than two years earlier had been one of his compliant superintendents.

     "Jones, a genial man and a born politician, had a meteoric rise in Nevada. He was a large full-bodied man with a long chin beard and a benevolent countenance. A Welshman, born on the English border, he arrived in California in 1850; mined in several camps until 1852 when he settled in Weaverville, Trinity County. There he followed public life, serving successively as Justice of the Peace, Deputy Sheriff, Sheriff, and State Senator. [Footnote: Gold Hill News, August 29, 1873-facts evidently supplied by Jones.] In the fall of 1867 he was a candidate for the office of Lieutenant Governor of California. That year the Democratic ticket prevailed, and Jones was left high and dry-defeated, broke, and discouraged, and about to depart for the East, as he himself said. At this juncture, in November 1867, at the behest of his friend Alvinza Hayward, he was sent to the Comstock to become superintendent of the Kentuck, which Sharon, Hayward, and associates had just acquired. Jones was evidently appointed for his diplomatic qualities, for he had never mined in Nevada and had followed political life in the main. It was not uncommon for such appointments to be made. Capable mine foremen attended to the details. When the editor of the Gold Hill News heard of the appointment, he was indignant: "There is no better man in the Comstock than John D. Winters, the present superintendent." In 1868 Jones was made superintendent of the Crown Point, also controlled by Sharon and associates. The two succeeding years brought little comfort to Jones. The ore continued to fail and the mine was about to close down when the discovery was made. Then, almost overnight, he became a millionaire.

     [p. 135] "Sharon was now to swallow another bitter pill. Jones, a seasoned politician, had himself called "The Commoner," spent his newly won wealth regally, and was triumphantly elected in January 1873-an office which he filled with credit to himself and his State for thirty years. Senator Jones was chiefly distinguished for his eloquent advocacy of silver and as the best story teller and poker player in the Senate.

     "Ex-Governor James W. Nye, the incumbent Senator, who had served Nevada long and well, had no chance in that race.

     "Harry M. Gorham, nephew to Jones, says in his interesting little volume My Memories of the Comstock (1939): "When Jones went to the Senate he took off a balance sheet, and he was worth $8,000,000."

     "The aftermath of the Hayward-Jones friendship, according to the Virginia Evening Chronicle of December 12, 1874, was a quarrel over the Crown Point, in which Jones prevailed. "Now Jones and Hayward are at swords' points. They are even more bitter in their hatred of each other than Sharon and Jones ever were."

     "Newly created Comstock millionaires, with the notable exception of Mackay, almost invariably aspired to a seat in the U.S. Senate, and the campaign of Jones in 1872, Sharon in 1874, and that of James G. Fair in 1880, were said to be characterized by "a saturnalia of corruption." [Footnote: Davis' History of Nevada, pp. 421-423 (1913). "The Battle of the Money Bags for Senatorial Honors," it is termed in Thompson & West History of Nevada, p. 92 (1881). Nevada was often characterized as "The Rotten Borough." Sutro was also a candidate, as he was in every senatorial election thereafter up to and including 1880; and each time he failed to receive a single vote in the Legislature.]

[p. 137] Chapter XVI The Crown Point-Belcher Bonanza-The Gold to Silver Ratio-The Silver Question.

     "The Crown Point-Belcher bonanza was an ideal ore body. It was fairly uniform in value, easily mined, remarkably free from base metals, and, unlike the other major ore bodies, it lay upon the footwall of the Lode, which at that poiint had a dip of about forty degrees. The ore extended from the 900- to the 1500-foot levels in both mines, and was widest and richest on the 1300 level where it had a length of 775 feet, and, in the Belcher, a width of 120 feet measured on the horizontal. At the 1300-foot level the ore split horizontally into two bodies, like a fish, with two flat tails, one branch continuing down the footwall, the other descending at a slighter dip. In the Crown Point a narrow parallel body was found lying about 40 feet east of the main body. This extended from the 1200- to the 1400-foot levels and produced considerable ore.

     [p. 137] "Superintendent J.P. Jones, in his report for the year ending May 1, 1873 (the first since 1870), [Footnote: He prefaces his report for 1873 with the statement: "The last general report submitted by the superintendent was dated May 1, 1870. At that time the Crown Point mine was yielding nothing." He does not make any explanation for the failure to report to his stockholders in 1871 and 1872. The report of 1873 covers all three years. (It is printed in U.S. Mineral Resources for 1873, pp. 177-186.)], told of the ore on the different levels of the Crown Point (exclusive of an equal portion in the Belcher), and continued: "It thus appears that the ore body has steadily increased in length, width, and richness as we have descended upon it, and there is every indication of its continuing to do so . . . It is fair to presume that we have passed below the range of surface disturbance, and that the vein will penetrate the earth in its present shape to an indefinite depth." But his hopes were soon to be shattered, for the ore body [p. 138] contracted somewhat on the 1400-foot level, where the values were lower, and practically terminated on the 1500-foot level.

     [p. 138] "That wise mining engineer, Rossiter W. Raymond, in [1872]

[Footnote: A year earlier Raymond wrote: "Both companies [Crown Point and Belcher] are digging pell-mell to see which can produce the most in the shortest time. Belcher now produces nearly 500 tons of ore daily, and is making preparations to produce between 500 and 600 tons. Furthermore, workings of this style on the Comstock have taught us what result to expect." (U.S. Mines and Mining for 1872, p. 118). Raymond was critical of the Comstock practice of "gutting the mines."] hisU.S. Mines and Mining Report for 1873, written before the ore body was fully developed, warns the Comstock operators not to expect the ore to continue in depth:

"I do not doubt that the present year, while it cannot exhaust the great ore body from which the Crown Point and Belcher have obtained so much profit, and the proprietors of other mines so much hope, will nevertheless reveal more clearly than they are now known the limits of that body or of its richest mass. Whoever believes that these mines have now at last entered upon a solid and continuous body, extending indefinitely in depth, and precluding for the future the necessity of explorations, will find himself mistaken."

     [p. 138] "The stopes were so large on the 1300-foot level that square-set timbering alone would not hold up the ground without reinforcement, and both mines were required to use millions of feet of heavy timbers to fill in their square sets and build bulkheads as the ore was removed, just as the Con. Virginia and the California were compelled to do a few years later and on a larger scale.

     "From 1870 to 1878, when production practically ceased, the Belcher produced 684,000 tons, yielding $32,118,000, or $47 a ton, and paid $14,876,000 in dividends. Its greatest year was in 1873, when 154,664 tons yielded $10,525,000, or $69 a ton. The dividends that year totaled $6,760,000.

     "During the same period, 1870-1878 the Crown Point produced 725,000 tons, yielding $25,877,000, or $35.70 a ton, and paid $10,740,000 in dividends. The mine was at its best during the year ending May 1, 1874, when 145,129 tons yielded $7,307,258, or $51.11 a ton, from which $5,300,000 was paid in dividends.

     [p. 138] "That great ore body lasted only four years. By 1877 Belcher ore had fallen to $25 a ton; Crown Point to $18.44. There was [p. 139] no profit to the stockholders from such ore, as mining costs averaged $9.50 a ton and milling $11, in addition to a heavy burden of general expense, including that of deep mining.

     [p. 139] "The Crown Point paid its last dividend in 1875 and the Belcher in 1876, and both began to levy assessments in excess of $400,000 a year in order to sink their shafts as rapidly as possible in the expectation of finding other ore bodies at greater depths. Again and again floods of hot water all but overcame them, and the difficulty of ventilating the steaming workings was almost as great. The huge pine pump rods broke repeatedly.

     "No payable ore was ever found in either mine below the 1600-foot level . . .

     " . . .

     [p. 142] [Footnote:"Comstock Mining and Miners, p. 418 (1893) . . . The Crown Point-Belcher bonanzas, with its great yield and potential future, doubtless influenced the demonetization of silver. The Con. Virginia bonanza was not discovered until March 1, 1873, two weeks after the Act was passed.

     "A party of European capitalists, mostly French, arrived yesterday from Lake Tahoe. Today they spent several hours exploring the Belcher mine. (Gold Hill News, July 7, 1873) That great body of ore, of unknown possibilities, may have influened France to suspend free coinage in 1874.

     "A special train from California arrived at Gold Hill on July 4, 1873, bearing W.C. Ralston, William Sharon and family, Michael Reese, Mr. Gensi (special agent of the Rothschilds), Mr. Newlands, Daniel C. Gilman (President of the University of California), Stephen Franklin (Secretary of the Bank of California), ex-Mayor Thomas H. Selby, Mr. Seward (U.S. Consul at China). The party visited the Crown Point and Belcher mines and departed for Lake Tahoe. (Gold Hill News, July 5, 1873.)]

[p. 142] The Silver Question

     [p. 142] "The great flow of gold from California in 1849 and 1850 alarmed the bankers of Europe. Holland and Belgium, in 1850, began to sell their gold and stock up with silver. Other nations followed, especially after the great gold discoveries in Australia, beginning in 1851, and silver rose in price throughout the world. The countries of Europe, with the exception of Great Britain and France, were practically on a silver basis until 1871 when [p. 143] Germany adopted the gold standard after receiving a large amount of gold from France in payment of the war indemnity. Japan and the United States demonetized silver in 1873, and Denmark, Sweden, Norway, France and Holland soon followed. All of those countries threw quantities of silver upon the market, with a resultant decline in price.

     [p. 143] "Silver sold at a premium from 1859 until demonetization in 1873, when it would no longer be coined free at $1.29 an ounce, 1/16 the value of gold. The market price was $1.36 an ounce in 1859, from which it declined slowly to $1.32 early in 1873, although the coinage value was $1.2929 an ounce. During 1873, when silver was demonitized, the average market price continued to decline until it reached $1 in 1886. After that the decline was rapid.

     "The long and bitter struggle of the silverites to undo "The Crime of '73" and restore the white metal to its old-time parity of 16 to 1 with gold, was begun in 1876 and became a national issue with the defeat of Bryan for president on that platform twenty years later. Meantime, the Democrats, aided by western Senators, succeeded in passing the Bland-Allison bill in 1878, providing for the purchase in the open market and coinage of not less than 2,000,000 nor more than 4,000,000 ounces of silver per month. This was repealed by the Sherman Act of 1890, which authorized the purchase, but not the coinage, of 4,500,000 ounces of silver per month. In 1893, after the panic had set in, a Republican Congress, aided by gold Democrats, passed a bill repealing the Sherman Act, which was signed by President Cleveland, thereby leaving silver without Government support.

[p. 162] Chapter XVIII Sharon Starts the Boom-A Wild Market-The Consolidated Virginia Boom-The Chronicle Boosts the Bonanza-The Market Reaches the Top-Extravagant Forecasts

     [p. 162] "It takes a leader to start a boom. Con. Virginia was expected to do that but the members of the Firm were content to watch their stocks increase in value and collect their regular monthly dividend of $3 a share.

     "It fell to William Sharon, an avowed candidate for the United States Senate, to start the boom. He had lived in San Francisco after Jones defeated him for the Senate in 1872, meanwhile growing richer month by month from the Belcher and the Union Milling Company, and nursing his senatorial ambition. When Stewart announced that he would not seek reelection Sharon again entered the lists, this time with full determination to win, whatever the cost. He first bought the Enterprise from editor Goodman who had flayed him in 1872, thereby acquiring a champion, then set out to obtain control of the Ophir in order to use the stock to further his campaign. Besides, the mine itself was promising to develop an extension of the Con. Virginia bonanza which would add to Sharon's prestige and furnish ore for his mills.

     "Unfortunately for his plans the control of Ophir was in the hands of E.J. "Lucky" Baldwin, one of the shrewdest men on the Coast, who had been content to let the stock ride along quietly. Sharon found him a hard trader. As the annual meeting of stockholders was to be held on the 13th of December, it became necessary to acquire over one half of the 100,000 shares before that day in order to elect the new board of trustees.

     "Sharon began to buy quietly. On August 11, 1874, Ophir stood at $20 a share, Con. Virginia at $80, and California at $40. A month later Ophir reached $52, while the two bonanza stocks had advanced but a few dollars. The sharp rise began toward the end of October, after Sharon bought James R. Keene's block of Ophir stocks and employed him to manipuate the market. "Jim" Keene [p. 163] was a genius but he could not pry Baldwin loose. Sharon not only began to buy but to sell "short" at the same time . . .

     [p. 163] "Throughout November the market was in a ferment. Ophir reached $100 a share, Con. Viirginia, $160, California $90, and all of the other stocks rose with them. . . . The wild market that followed was caused not only by Sharon's manipulations, but by the amazing developments on the 1500- and 1550-foot levels of the Con. Virginia.

     [p. 163] "Baldwin withstood all of Keene's blandishments, and Sharon was forced to pay his price for the stock, $135 a share for 20,000 shares. Sharon took over control at the Ophir election, but kept boosting the stock until he was elected Senator on January 12, 1875. Meantime the speculators had gone mad: Ophir sold for $315 a share on January 7, Con. Virginia for $710, and California for $780. The inevitable panic started on January 8, and the bottom fell out of the market.

     "It was charged that Sharon had "unloaded" at high prices and then "shorted" the stock, thereby recouping all of his expenditures.

     " . . .

[p. 171] The Market Reaches the Top-Extavagant Forecasts

     " . . .

     [p. 172] "The following editorial from the [San Francisco] Chronicle of January 4, 1875, illustrates the exuberance of its ethusiasm. Under the [p. 173] caption "Millionaires of San Francisco," the editor quotes the following paragraph from the Chicago Inter-Ocean: "No city upon this continent can show more men of solid wealth than San Francisco. Mines of fabulous possibilities pour their dividends into the pockets of the Licks, the Sharons, and the Haywards. Many of her citizens could sell out at a month's notice for $5,000,000 each. Palaces have risen from silver bricks, and the proudest buildings in the City owe their origin to ores and bullion."

     [p. 173] "Followig which the editor of the Chronicle proudly comments: "This was true enough three months ago, but the Inter-Ocean is one of those fogy journals who do not keep pace with the times. Lick, Latham, Sharon, and Hayward are all poor men. Worth $5,000,000? Well, yes, they may be worth that paltry sum. So are Reese, Mills, Baldwin, Lux, Miller, Jones, Ralston, and Stanford. These are only our well-to-do citizens, men of comfortable incomes-our middle class. Our rich men theInter-Ocean has not named. They are Mackay, Flood, O'Brien, and Fair. Twenty or thirty million each is but a moderate estimate of their wealth. Mackay is worth from sixty to a hundred millions.

     "They have not heard of our new bonanza in Chicago-a lump of silver ore as big as their Grand Pacific Hotel, worth from $100 to $20,000 per ton, so far as ascertained, while its depth, breadth, and thickness have not yet been reached."

     [p. 173] "Nothing like this ore body had ever been seen in the world, so most of them thought. [Footnote: Although there had been greater and richer deposits of silver ore at Potosi and in Mexico.] . . .

     " . . .

     [p. 174] "The stock brokers were almost exhausted by the rush of business, and on December 24 the Exchange declared a recess until January 2. But there was no holding back the flood. Stocks continued to mount in street trading, and on January 7, 1875, the market value of 31 of the leading mines was $262,669,940. [Lord'sComstock Mining and Miners, p. 409 (1883).] A tabulation of the 65 others would increase the amount to $300,000,000. The market value of Con. Virginia was $76,680,000, of California $85,380,000 and of Ophir $31,748,000. What that sum meant at the time may be illustrated by the fact that the total assessment value of the real estate in San Francisco was only $190,000,000.

     " . . .

     [p. 174] "Thousands of men and women of all classes had rushed into the market to purchase stocks in Comstock mines. Few of them could afford high-priced stocks and so bought the cheaper ones which were being manipulated by the "insiders."

     ". . .

     [p. 175] "[Footnote: King's History of San Francisco Stock Exchange, p. 153 (1910): The only stocks that had not materially advanced in price were the Crown Point and the Belcher, and they were the only mines on the Lode that were paying dividends with the exception of the Con. Virginia. Evidently they had not been manipulated.]

[p. 176] Chapter XIX The fateful Year of 1875-The Market Crashes in January-Mackay Thought the Panic Was Temporary-The Chronicle Attacks "The Bank Crowd"-Partial Recovery in the Spring-The New York Tribune Correspondent Visits the Comstock-Prof. Rogers and the Director of the U.S, Mint Overestimate the Bonanza-The Firm Organizes the Nevada Bank-The Bank of California Suspends in August 1875-Ralston's Death Stuns the Coast-Virginia City Destroyed by Fire October 26, 1875-Fair's Misleading Reports

     [p. 176] "Suddenly the speculators came to their senses. Practically all stocks had been bought on margin account and there was not enough money in the West to finance more than a fraction of the purchases. [Footnote: . . . all stocks on the Pacific exchange . . . footed up to . . . $350,000,000.]

     " . . .

[p. 182] The New York Tribune Correspondent

     " . . .

     [p. 183] "His visit to the Con. Virginia was the highlight of his experience. At the assaying and melting department he saw bars of silver and gold stacked up like cordwood and 'thrown about as if they were so many pigs of iron;" their weight ranging from 90 to 110 pounds and the value from $3,000 to $4,000 each. The trip through the steaming underground workings filled him with wonder-the hive of industry. The perfection of the arrangements and the masses of ore everywhere were beyond anything he had imagined.

     [p. 183] "The correspondent was unrestrained when he came to describe Virginia City:

"Here is a city of about 25,000 inhabitants, about 7,000 (6,200) feet above the level of the sea, with inhabitants in the garb of laborers, but with the habits of Parisians. Here are restaurants as fine as any in the world, though not so extensive as some, nor as elaborate in appointments; here are drinking saloons more gorgeous in appointment than any in San Francisco, Philadelphia, or New York; and here are shops and stores which are dazzling in splendor. The peope here seem to run to jewelry. I have never seen finer shops than are here, and the number of diamonds displayed in the windows quite overwhelms one's senses. The Washoe club is nearly as well furnished as any in New York, except in pictures, books, and bronzes, and the manner of living of the inhabitants generally is upon a high scale . . . I have never been in a place where money is so plentiful nor where it is spent with so much extravagance and recklessness . . .

[p. 183] "The houses are mostly brick on the business streets, and the sidewalks swarm with people. It is as difficult to get along C street in the evening as it is to go along Broadway in the neighborhood of Fulton in the middle [p. 185] of the afternoon. Every young blood in the city, and every old one too, for that matter, has his fast horse or his pair . . . I doubt if there is a city of 200,000 people in the United States which has as much wealth as Virginia City. "

     [p. 185] "The famous Washoe Club, of which the correspondent speaks, was formed by sixty promient citizens on February 20, 1875. The Club's first luxurious quarters on "B" Street were burned in the fire of that fall, after which it was permanently located in the Douglass Building on "C" Street There the members, most of them were mine superintendents, bankers, brokers, lawyers, and leading business men, gathered of nights in good fellowship-drinking, playing cards, and swapping yarns. Stories were current of poker games for high stakes. The register of the Club, upon which all of the noted men and women who visited the Comstock during the succeeding twenty years inscribed their names, is still on exhibition at Virginia City.

     " . . .

[p. 197] Chapter XX 1876: High-Water Mark on the Comstock-A Troublous Year for The Bonanza Firm-The Market Revives and the Bears Threaten-Fair Claims Mackay Gutted the Con. Virginia-Keene Leads a Smashing Bear Attack on Bonanza Stocks-Mackay, Fair, and Flood in 1876-A Lively Con. Virginia Meeting-The Bullion Tax Fought by the Bonanza Firm.

     [p. 197] "The year 1876 was high-water mark in the history of the Comstock. Virginia City was rebuilding feverishly after the fire; more mines were in operation and more men employed than ever before; . . .

     ". . . Most of the mills in the region were busy. The Bonanza Firm had twelve in operation; the largest being [p. 198] the new Con. Virginia and California mills, which reduced 630 tons every 24 hours.

     [p. 198] "The control of the leading mines was no longer held by individuals or by a few men as in earlier days, but had passed into the hands of three groups: The Bonanza Crowd, the Bank Crowd, and J.P. Jones.

     ". . .

[p. 207] Chapter XXI 1877: The Bonanza Terminates on the 1550 Level-Warring Brokers and Speculators-Hard Times in 1877-The Decline Begins

     " . . .

[p. 208] Warring Brokers and Speculators

     [p. 208] "There were three active stock exchanges in San Francisco during the flush '70s, each with a large membership. Able and daring men gravitated to them by instinct. They were the liveliest places on the Coast and the focus of public attention.

     "The big speculators, like Sharon, Flood, Hayward, Jones and Skae had their favorite brokers, who in turn usually employed other brokers to buy and sell on the exchanges. These groups were almost constantly at war with one another. Other large dealers, "Lucky" Baldwin for example, played a lone hand against everybody.

     " . . .

[p. 232] Chapter XXIII Life on the Comstock in the '70s-Comstock Millionaires-Notable Comstock Mine Superintendents.

     [p. 232] "Life on the Comstock had always been full of interest and enjoyment, but the '70s overtopped all that had gone before. People were not only comfortably housed, a bountiful supply of water had been brought in from the tops of the Sierras, the streets were macadamized with refuse from the old mine dumps and lighted with gas, the city had railroad connections both east and west, people traveled far more than in earlier years, social life took on wider aspects, the Opera House presented a constant stream of dramatic productions . . .

     " . . .

     [p. 233] "The Comstock, far removed from the great outer world, was a little world to itself, composed of two almost distinct elements: The one, made up of the business and saloon life on "C" Street, the popular red-light district on "D" Street, and the gambling opium-smoking Chinese settlement below; the other, and by far the larger part of the community, consisting of the thousand families living chiefly above "C" Street, of whom nothing is said by the chroniclers.

    "The majority lived simple lives compared with the present hurried, fretful existence, and were more content. Artificial wants have multiplied and happiness is farther off than ever . . . The attractions of the theater ranged from Shakespeare to minstrel shows and melodrama, but there were no dirty sex plays and no naked women on the stage, which modern taste appears to demand.

     "Footnote 2 The Black Crook, which arrived in 1867, was the first leg show to appear on the Comstock and took the town by storm, although a tame affair compared with present-day disclosures. The respectable element was shocked. In the late '70s there was an irruption of British Blondes and Red Stocking Blondes, whose abundant fleshly charms, encased in tights, were displayed on flaming posters. See Wolf Drury An Editor on the Comstock Lode (1936).

     " . . .

     [p. 234] "The Comstock continued to be Mid-Victorian in dress and manners. To be a gentleman or a lady was the ideal. The good women were held in highest esteem, although more prominently in the life of the community than in earlier years. They even took a hand in politics when striving to bring about social reforms. Upon their insistence State laws were enacted prohibiiting minors in saloons, and requiring gambling to be carried on behind closed doors. They labored for years to make gambling unlawful, withou success.

     "The men foregathered in the clubs and in the halls of the many fraternal and other organizations. Every military and volunteer fire company had its headquarters, the German their Turn Verein , and the Miners' Union its own hall and library. The various races had their gathering places.

     [p. 234] "But it was the saloon that contributed most to the good fellowship of the camp. Nothing puts men upon a friendly footing more quickly than to drink together. Views were exchanged and not a little important business transacted at the bar. The reverse of that picture is the fact that heavy drinking was the curse of the Comstock. Some men drank as much as a quart of hard liquor a day, in many small drinks, and carried it off for years. The saloon were of all grades, like the population; from first-class places where the price of a drink or a cigar was a quarter, to the lowest dives. As a rule the various elements sought their own kind. Virginia City was the "good-time town" [p. 235] of the region. Men came from miles around after payday and contributed not a little to the sporting life-to which the many visitors from San Francisco added their share.

     [p. 235] "The stock market was the nerve center of the region, and the reports from the San Francisco exchanges, which came morning and afternoon, invariably gathered crowds in front of the brokers' offices. Nearly everybody had stocks and all wanted to know how the market was going. Copies of the reports were posted at the heads of the shafts in the principal mines for the information of men coming off shift. . . .

     " . . .

     [p. 236] "The Comstock lived well. One looks back upon the '70s with some surprise at the time and thought given to food. those who could afford it, and especially the men about town, lived on the fat of the land. The markets were well supplied as those in San Francisco, and the restaurants equally as good. Thick, juicy steaks and roast beef headed the list in popularity; men often ate steaks for breakfast. Oysters, Eastern and California, were almost a staple. Fish and game were abundant; trout from the Truckee and Lake Tahoe, caught by the Indians.

     "All kinds of fish came from the Coast. Sage hens and ducks and grouse were Nevada products in season. California provided the quail, chickens, and turkeys. The restaurants often featured a large live sea turtle. Fruits of all kinds from California were items of daily fare, as well as an abundance of fresh vegetables. There was hardly any kind of food that could not be obtained, even to foreign delicacies. The bakeries were first class; only a few of the housewives baked their own bread. Milk from the insanitary dairies perhaps helped spread typhoid fever.

     [p. 236] "The majority of people with families lived well, but simply. Unmarried miners and other single men boarded at the many restaurants, which provided excellent fare at $30 to $35 a month. The cost of living was less than it is today; some of the items were higher, others lower. The smallest piece of money was a silver dime, ten cents, which was the price of a small basket of strawberries in season. The only money in circulation was gold and silver, although in the East they had nothing but paper currency until after the resumption of specie payments in 1879.

     "Frontier life teaches men to think for themselves. This was especially true of early mining camp life in California and Nevada. The philosophy of life of the pioneers was largely the result of observation and experience. There was little dependence upon Divine Providence-men had learned to rely upon themselves. Their religion was a sort of golden rule. They encouraged and supported churches because of their influence upon the community. Ingersoll expressed their views about the Bible, and the Darwinian theory appealed to their intelligence. The mechanistic theory of the universe appeared to them as the only reasonable explanation. Man himself was only a machine, born to function according to his gifts; some fearfully and wonderfully made; others mere automatons, with many gradations between. The Comstock was a laboratory of life, in which it appeared that all men are born unequal. All of the races of the world were [p. 237] there and all types of men and women, from the highest to the lowest. One learned more of the human animal in a few years in that congested community than could be acquired in a lifetime in a conventional town.

    "The average intelligence was higher in th early '60s than in the '70s when the foreign-born came in increasing numbers, although the highly intelligent members of the community maintained their standards; they read the best literature, were exceedingly well informed on all of the topics of the times, and were engaging conversationalists.

     " . . . the outstanding men of those times seemed "bigger" than those of today. That was equally true in San Francisco. The explanation appears to be that they were the product of pioneer conditions, which brought out the best as well as the worst. Men are made by struggle."

[p. 237] Comstock Millionaires

     [p. 237] "Comstock millionaires were far fewer than is generally supposed, and all were created in the '70s. In the early '60s, the Ophir and Gould & Curry bonanzas did not create a single millionaire. The fortunes of George Hearst, John O. Earl, Robert Morrow, A.E. Head, Andrew B. McCreery, and Charles N. Felton had their beginnings in the Gould & Curry and the Savage, although none of them acquired a million dollars there.

     "The Crown Point-Belcher bonanza brought millions to John P. Jones, Alvinza Hayward, William Sharon, William C. Ralston, and D.O. Mills.

     "The Con. Virginia bonanza created a longer list: John W. Mackay, James C. Flood, James G. Fair, William S. O'Brien, General Thomas J. Williams, David Bixler, Robert N. Graves, and Edward Barron.

     E.J. "Lucky" Baldwin sold his stock in the Ophir to Sharon in November 1874 for $2,500,000. Robert Sherwood and Johnny Skae got rich during the "Sierra Nevada Deal." Sutro's wealth came from the sale of his stock in the Tunnel. Archie Borland and William M. Lent were miners and speculators. William S. Hobart's large fortune came chiefly from lumbering and incidently from mines and mills.

     [p. 238] "Nearly all of these millionaires retained their wealth, in part at least. During stock excitements prospective millionaires in San Francisco and on the Comstock were as plentiful as blackberries, but the inevitable decline left them as poor as winter.

     ". . .

[p. 238] Notable Comstock Mine Superintendents 1859-1871 and 1871-1886

     "Both Lists include: J.P. Jones-Kentuck; Crown Point.

     " . . .

[p. 241] Chapter XXIV Miners' Wages and Hours-Heat and Ventilation-Giant Powder, Burleigh and Diamond Drills-Lumber and Firewood-The V Flume.

     [p. 241] "Comstock miners were the lords of labor and gloried in it. They were the pick of the world; their wages were the highest, their hours the shortest; they were men among men. Independent-minded, like the rest of the community, they resisted all attempts to reduce wages below $4 a day, and first organized for that purpose as early as 1863. During the hard times of 1865 and 1866 they submitted to a reduction by some of the mines, but were quick to unite again in 1867 with only partial success until 1872.

     "While in 1864 and again in 1867 the miners organized and marched in bodies to assert their demands, there was no violence nor any destruction of property. John Trembath, the Cornish foreman at the Uncle Sam mine, who was bound to the hoisting cable and jerked up and down, might question the statement that there was no violence. [Lord's Comstock Mining and Miners, pp. 183-190, 266-268]

     [p. 241] "Shinn says [The History of the Mine, p. 250 (1896).] that "On one occasion a superintendent (Charles Bonner of the Gould & Curry) who had attempted to cut wages, was concealed int the house of a priest (Father Manogue) or he would have been torn limb from limb by the indignant miners." An overstatement, no doubt.

     "Ten hours was a shift during all of the early years, but, as conditions underground became more intolerable, the hours of men working in such places were reduced to eight. In 1867 the constitution of the newly formed Miners' Union provided that all men working underground should receive $4 for an eight-hour shift. That rule was not enforced, it appears, but became uniform after John P. Jones, then candidate for the U.S. Senate, ordered that on and after April 1, 1872, the eight-hour day should apply to all men working underground in the Crown Point mine. The other mines, most of them were controlled by Sharon, who was also a candidate, quickly adopted the same rule, which thereafter prevailed on the Comstock. [p. 243] "The Miners' Union grew into a benevolent institution.

[Footnote: The Miners' Union had its own building and the largest general library in the State, 2,000 volumes.

     "There were no ceremony attached to joining the Union. When this writer went to work in the mines he merely enrolled at the Secretary's office and received his card. On payday his dues were deducted from the check.

     "The average wage paid to common miners in California in 1874 was $1.50 to $2 per day, says the Mining and Scientific Press of February 2, 1875, which prints a list of all sorts of employees. "No wonder the Comstock miners were the pick of the world."]

The mines would not permit any man to work underground who was not a member, and deducted the monthly dues of $2 from each man's pay. In return, the Union cared for sick and disabled miners, although the companies usually contributed. It was the custom when a man was killed for each miner to contribute a day's pay to the family.

     [p. 243] "After the first few years the number of foreign-born miners increased steadily. Lord (pp. 383, 384) gives statistics for the year 1880: 1,996 miners, of whom 394 were Americans, 691 Irish, 543 English, 132 Canadians, and the rest from everywhere. The average age was 35, average weight 165 pounds, average height 5 feet 9 inches. The majority were married.

     "Shinn overstates the standard of living enjoyed by the miners: "Every observer of the Comstock in its palmy days noted the universally high standard of living. Not only the necessaries, but the luxuries of life formed the daily fare of the miners." That is true of the unmarried miners who boarded at first-class restaurants, but this writer well remembers many hundreds of small homes in which there did not appear to be room for the large families of children. They lived well but simply.

     "Death lurked eveywhere in those mines, but there was no fear, only constant watchfulness, coupled with an element of fatalism. At times one man was killed or fatally injured every week and one more or less seriously injured every day. Accidents were deemed risks of the employment, and it does not appear that he companies were sued for damages.

     [p. 243] "The shafts were among the most dangerous places in the mines, notwithstanding skillful timbering and the perfection of hoisting machinery. Individual deaths from falling and otherwise were not infrequent, and more men were killed on the cages at one time than in any other accidents below. Three of the worst occurred within one year.

     "On December 2, 1879, when 17 men were being hoisted in the Union Shaft, the engineer pulled the wrong lever, and the cage [p. 244] and the skip containing the men, instead of stopping at the collar of the shaft shot with lightning speed into the sheaves at the top of the 40-foot gallows frame, crushing the cage and spilling the men all over the floor of the hoist house. Two were killed outright and seven permanently injured. The escape of the others from death was little short of miraculous. Luckily none fell down the shaft.

     " . . .

[p. 244] Heat and Ventilation

     [p. 244] "The problem of ventilating the mine, that men might live and work, became as important as the extraction of the ore. Miles of drifts, crosscuts and raises were driven for no other purpose. The mines were connected on many of their lower levels chiefly to promote the circulation of air. The main shafts became the chief means of ventilation. An automatic circulation was created by the fact that some of them stood at higher elevations than others. Ten of the upper shafts were used as "upcasts," drawing the steaming fetid air from below, while six shafts, standing on a lower line, became "downcasts," carrying great volumes of fresh air to the lower levels. Clouds of steam rose constantly from the mouths of special shafts. Doors were placed at various points underground to regulate air currents. Revolving fans, called blowers, were installed in many places, driving the air forward or sucking it out, while air compressors supplied remote workings.

     [p. 244] "Exposure to sharp changes in temperature was another danger [p. 245] when men wer hoisted from stifling levels to perhaps a snow-storm on the surface.

     [p. 245] "Miners commonly worked in temperatures ranging from 100 to 125 degrees, but observers agreed that owing to their superiority they accomplished as much as men in other camps working under normal conditions.

     [p. 245] "No other mines in the world have encountered such heat and such floods of scalding water. The hightest temperatures of any considerable quantity of water (170 degrees) was recorded by the flood on the 3,000-foot level of the New Yellow Jacket shaft in November 1880.

     " . . .

     [p. 245] " . . . Water at 150 to 167 degrees termperature will cook food, and men died from a brief submergence.

     ". . .

[p. 247] Lumber and Firewood-The V-Flume

     [p. 247] The Sierra were devastated for a length of nearly 100 miles to provide the 600,000,000 feet of lumber that went into the Comstock mines, and the 2,000,000 cords of firewood consumed by mines and mills up to the year 1880. In the early days, after the piñon pines had been cut on the Virginia and Como Ranges, the supply came from convenient timber on the lower slopes adjacent to Washoe and Carson Valleys. Gradually the lumbermen worked up to the crest of the range, then over to the west side. The magnificent forests surrounding Lake Tahoe constituted the major supply for years. No later visitor could conceive of the majesty and beauty fed into the maws of those voracious sawmills.

     "A large supply came also from the forests on either side of the Central Pacific Railroad after its construction, from what were known as Hobart's mills. The headwaters of the Carson River, 100 miles southward from the Central Pacific provided much of the firewood and some timber, which was floated down the river during the spring freshets.

     "The great invention of the V-flume for conveying lumber and firewood down the mountainside was devised by J.W. Haines, who was lumbering in Kingsbury Cañon, back of Genoa, in 1866. It occurred to him to float the lumber down, and he made a box-flume for that purpose. The following spring he devised the very simple V-flume by nailing two planks together on their lower edges in V-shape, as men had been doing for centuries in smaller form to carry water. Haines patented the invention in 1871 and brought suit against Sharon and associates for infringement. The court held, however, that the patent was invalid because the device had been in common use for two years prior to the filing of the application.

     [p. 247] "These flumes, planed on the inside, half-filled with water, and [p. 247] on a fairly steep grade, carried a large quantity of lumber or firewood-as much as 500 cords of the latter in one day. When wood or lumber was thrown into the flume the water filled to the brim and the load floated free. A large number of such flumes, some of them many miles in length, were in use along the Sierras for years.

     [p. 248] "The Bonanza Firm, in a quarrel with the Sharon interest over the price of lumber and firewood, bought a large tract of timber on the east slope of the mountains seven miles south of Steamboar Springs, built sawmills, constructed a V-flume 15 miles long, and supplied its own mines and mills. On the Comstockthe lumber company was known as Mackay & Fair's. The Enterprise of March 31, 1875, reports that "Mackay & Fair's new wood flume at Huffakers on the Truckee Meadows will be completed about July 1." The net profits of that enterprise were only $645,030, but the effect was to reduce substantially the price of lumber and firewood.

     "The correspondent of the New York Tribune, [September 16, 1875] told of a visit to the lumber mills and surroundings with Flood and Fair, and of a fearsome thirty-minute ride down the fifteen miles of flume in what was called a "boat," which consisted of two twenty-inch boards nailed together in V-shape to fit into the flume, closed at the back and open in front, with strips of board 2 1/2 feet long nailed across the top for seats. Part of the time the flume was near the ground, but much of it was on the top of high trestle-work in order to keep the flume as a fairly even grade. Water sprayed on them from front to back. There were nothing to cling to but the seat and nothing but the blue sky above. "Flood said he would not make that trip again for all the silver and gold in the Consolidated Virginia."

[p. 249] Chapter XXV Fire in the Stopes-Low-Grade Operations in the Bonanza Mines-The Comstock Milling Monopoly-The Last Washoe Process Mill-Losses in Tailings-Tailings Reworked

[p. 249] Fire in the Stopes

    [p. 249] "The immense quantity of timber used to fill the stopes of the Virginia and the California was often remarked upon: "Every ton of ore extracted from the Con. Virginia and California mines leaves a corresponding vacuum. That space is filled with solid 14- and 16-inch timbers, leaving only a sufficient space between the huge bulkheads for the passage of men and cars . . . The cost of these timbers at the mines is $21 per thousand feet (board feet), but even at these figures, it is much cheaper to fill with timber than to employ men to fill with waste rock."

     [p. 249] "Not less than 150,000,000 feet of timber, board measurement, had been packed into those stopes and workings-enough to build a dozen small cities-and a fire would turn the mines into a volcano. Lord tells of that danger and of the vigilance of Mackay and Fair.

     "Fortunately, no fire occurred until May 3, 1881, when the bonanza ore was exhausted. There was no hope of quenching it, so all drifts and other openings into the stopes were closed and sealed in order to shut off the supply of oxygen. Three years after, when the fire was brought under control by the injection of carbonic acid gas, the upper stopes were opened and the extraction of low-grade ore was begun. Meantime, the bonanza mines had been levying assessments to carry on deep mining. that hope failed at the end of 1884, the pumps were drawn, and the lower workings began to fill with water. The shares of Con. Virginia and California, which had already fallen to 15 cents, then sold at 5 cents. The Bonanza Firm had not given the stock any support for years and the speculative public lost all interest until the low-grade operation proved unexpectedly profitable.

[p. 250] Low-grade Operations in the Bonanza Mines

     [p. 250] "In 1883 Senator J.P. Jones, who had been mining low-grade ores from the old stopes of the Crown Point and the Belcher for three years (as a lessee) [Jone leases his old mine (s) in 1880] was given a lease on the Con. Virginia stopes from the 1550 level upward under an agreement to pay a royalty of 50 cents a ton for every ton milled. All of the openings into the stopes had been sealed since the fire broke out in 1881 and it was stipulated that he should not begin operations until the stopes could be entered. [Footnote: "When the fire burned out the millions of feet of timbers which had been packed into the stopes as the ore was removed, the whole country caved downward to fill the vacancy. The cave extended far up on the hillside back of the town leaving a long crack like an earthquake slip. So great was the pressure in the stopes that pieces of old 14-inch timbers were compressed to 6 and even 4 inches and resembled petrified wood. The town itself slid downward a little, but without damage except to brick buildings." Nevada Historical Magazine for 1911-1912.]

     [p. 250] "Mackay was in Europe practically all of that year engrossed in the affairs of the proposed Atlantic cable, and it is evident that neither he nor Superintendent Patton had much confidence that the fills and margins of the old stopes could be mined at a profit. All of their efforts during the preceding four years had been spent on a search for a new ore body below the Con. Virginia bonanza. Development work down to and including the 2900-foot level had been a continual disappointment, and on January 1, 1885, deep mining in the North End mines was abandoned. Ten months later the water was at the 2000-foot level and still rising.

     [p. 250] "Patton notified Jones in the spring of 1884 that he had extended a drift into the stopes o the 1200-foot level and that he could begin operations. Jones commenced in May, and up to November 1, 1885, had mined and milled 18,487 tons of ore yielding $310,109.69, or $16.70 a ton, valuing silver at $1,2929 an ounce. The discount brought the value down to $14 a ton.

     [p. 250] "As soon as it appeared that Jones was succeeding the Con. Virginia company began to extract low-grade ore below the 1550-foot level. For economy of management and operations the Con. Virginia and California companies were reincorporated on October 1, 1884, as the Consolidated California and Virginia Mining Company with a capital of 216,000 shares of the par value of $100 each. The company itself mined 19,670 tons, yielding $15.91 a ton during the first year, which gave a small profit. Mackay wanted the company to take over all of the operations and he [p. 251] persuaded Jones to surrender his lease to the company by agreeing to give him a one-third interest in the new milling company to be organized to mill the ores. James L. Flood who had taken his father's place in connection with mining affairs,, was the third partner. [p. 251 Footnotes: James C. Flood [ -1889] died in 1889 of a long and distressing illness with Bright's disease. It is said that Mackay and James L. Flood bought all of the stock in the treasury at the market price when these operations were begun.]

     [p. 251] "The Jones lease was surrendered on January 1, 1886, and the Consolidated Company entered upon ten years of very profitable mining in and about the old stopes, although the operation would have been far less successful except for the lucky discovery of three narrow sheets of good ore adjoining the old California stopes. The first one was found in the summer of 1886, the second in 1891, and the last in 1894. It happened that the first was encountered after Mackay returned to take charge while Superintendent Patton took a vacation. Fair had done little crosscutting on either side of the bonanza owing to the rush of water that followed the cutting of clay walls. In these later years the stopes were practically dry as the water had been drained by deeper workings.

     " . . .

     [p. 252] ". . . Mackay and Flood . . . withdrew from the Comstock in 1895.

     " . . .

     [p. 252] "During the years 1884 to 1895, inclusive, the mine produced 860,661 tons of ore, yielding $16,447, 221, coin value, or $19.11 a ton, from which dividends amounting to $3,898,800 were paid, after the payment of $1 a ton royalty to the Sutro Tunnel Company. The value of the gold exceeded that of the coin value of the silver by nearly $2,000,000. The average milling charge was $6.50 per ton, with an 80 percent recovery rate. Mackay and Flood had large idle mills at that time, which enabled them to make a low milling charge . . .

     [p. 252] "It is interesting to note that the low-grade operations in the bonanza mines yielded more in dividends than were paid by any of the other Comstock mines in all their history with the exception of three-the Savage, the Crown Point, and the Belcher.

[p. 253] The Comstock Milling Monopoly

     [p. 253] "The costly and unprofitable mills of the Ophir, the Gould & Curry, the Savage, and the Mexican during the early '60s caused these mines to send much of their lower-grade ore to custom mills. But those mills ran into debt during the lean years, chiefly to the Bank of California. When the time was ripe Sharon's Union Milling Company took them over and a new system was created whereby the productive mines ceased to own their own mills, except in small part, and had their ores reduced in mills belonging to the men in control of the mines. Thereafter, throughout the later history of the Comstock, the example set by Sharon was followed by Jones and by the Bonanza Firm, who controlled the producing mines which were not in Sharon's hands. The latter's milling rates were excessive as a rule, while those of Jones and the Bonanza Firm were moderate. Sharon and Jones, however, were not content to take their toll from profitable ore; when that failed they milled over 700,000 tons of low-grade ore during the '80s and '90s for the sole advantage of their mills. "Everything is arranged to suit the mills," wrote a correspondent. "The abuses are notorious, yet the local papers say nothing. Poor ore is mixed with good ore to increase the tonnage to the mills and there is little or no check on the sampling. Until the same respect is paid for mine stockholders as is now given to the mill stockholders your readers can expect no dividends from the Comstock mines."

     [p. 253] "The system of milling ores in the private mills of insiders came to be regarded as a matter of course, if not of right, not only by the participants but by the general public although after the San Francisco Chronicle and Dewey began their attacks there was widespread public criticism. Sharon and Jones took the precaution to have the names of others appear as trustees of their mines and their private milling companies, while Mackay and his associates acted openly and became members of the boards of their concerns.

     [p. 253] "The Bonanza Firm adopted the system when it took control of the Hale & Norcross in 1869. Mackay and Fair had two idle mills at the time, which they wanted to put in operation. Additional mills were acquired as more ore was developed, and, when that mine began to fail, the Firm took a gamble on the Con. Virginia, partly in the hope of finding some low-grade ore in the old upper workings for their idle mills That hope was not realized, but [p. 253] the lucky discovery of ore of moderate grade on the 1200 level soon put their mills to work. As the bonanza developed more mills were built or purchased, with the result that all of the bonanza ores were worked by the Firm, chiefly in large low-cost mills.

     [p. 254] "The charges for the high-grade ore was so moderate and the recovery so satisfactory that a court, under the rule adopted in the Hale & Nircross case, would have held the contracts reasonable. Nevertheless, the point remains that large profits would have been paid to the stockholders in dividends if the companies had owned their own mills, in which case the firm, as the largest stockholder, would have received not less than one half of such dividends. [Footnote: It may be said that the milling system was merely the exercise of a questionable official prerogative when compared with the iniquitous practice of the railroads in granting secret "rebates" and "drawbacks" to the Standard Oil and other favored shippers in the '60s and '70s, as set forth in Mark Sullivan's Our Times, 1900-1925, Vol. 2, pp. 284-292. The latter "system," he says, was "characteristic of the current philosophy," and "in this state of business ethics of the time lies the chief justification of Rockefeller and his associates in the South Improvement Company."]

     [p. 254] "We have an exact statement of those profits in a private memorandum made by J. Minor Taylor, the efficient office manager in Virginia City, to Messrs. Flood and Fair on September 11, 1881, which turned up in the Mackay and Fair files at the Mackay School of Mines. Taylor explains in detail the milling accounts from 1873 to the date of his report, which shows a net profit of $9,070,726.47. Fair was withdrawing from the Firm and they were having a settlement among themselves of the affairs of the Pacific Mine & Milling Company, which had carried on their milling business. Fair wrote back concerning some small items, which Taylor explained in a letter dated September 28. The expense for quicksilver is enormous, and the construction account is charged with $2,260,387.50.

     [p. 254] "As they had milled 809,275 tons from the Con. Virginia, 589,196 tons from the California, and 83,836 tons from the Ophir, Union and Sierra Nevada-1,482,307 tons in all-the net profit, including milling and the recovery from tailings, was $6.12 a ton. [footnote: The average milling charge paid by the Con. Virginia was $12 a ton, that of the California, which came into production later, averaged $11.]

     [p. 254] "Mackay gave close attention to the mills, which were efficiently managed by D.B. Lyman, one of the ablest millmen on the Comstock. Fair, who was not given to praise, but always to exaggeration, said Lyman, was the only honest millman on the Lode.

     [p. 255] "The values left in the tailings have been misrepresented and misunderstood, owing to the Comstock method of reporting mill returns. . . . [There was] high recovery on ore of that grade.

     [p. 255] " . . .

     [p. 255] "Mackay testified in the Hale & Norcross case in 1892, in which he had no interest, that he had sold a large quantity of bonanza tailings at $5 a ton. He never could be convinced that a stockholder had a right to complain of a milling charge so long as it was reasonable and a proper recovery made. Despite the earlier Dewey suits and criticisms, he again milled the low-grade ores extracted fro the bonanza stopes from 1885 to 1895, in association with James L. Flood and J.P. Jones. Mackay's idea that a director has the right to deal with his company if the contract was fair is now the law in California, by an Act passed in 1933.

     [p. 255] "Lord enters into an elaborate discussion of the Comstock milling system with especial reference to the Bonanza Firm, which includes: "If the managers had the lion's share of the profits, they had also the lion's share of the risk and labor. These facts should be bourne in mind in any fair criticism or censure of their conduct as trustees."

     " . . .

[p. 256] Losses in Tailings and Quicksilver

     "The Comstock mines produced a little over $300,000,000 from 1859 to 1880, excluding returns from tailings, and it has been said repeatedly that an additional $100,000,000, or 25 percent, escaped in the tailings and were irretrievably lost. But that estimate appears to be excessive.

     "The total loss up to 1880 is estimated at $70,000,000, and could not have exceeded $75,000,000. The total amount recovered from [p. 257] tailings saved up to that time is estimated at $23,000,000, including some that were reworked later. Hague, in 1870, estimated the average recovery from tailings as $5.50 a ton. Until the cyanide process was introduced the millmen did not expect to recover more than 50 to 60 percent of the values of the "tailings," or sands and the slimes. Some rich tailings were reworked twice, or even a third time after cyanide came into use.

     [p. 257] "The total loss in quicksilver is startling. On an average it needed one pound for each ton of ore milled up to the present time, or about 14,000,000 pounds. At an average of 60 cents a pound the monetary loss was $8,400,000. Dan DeQuille estimated the loss at 7,344,000 pounds up to 1876, by assuming too large an average in the earlier years. When he was writing his Big Bonanza in 1875 he stated that the loss of quicksilver in milling the rich ores from the Con. Virginia bonanza "amounted to $60,000 and $70,000 per month"-a loss of over three pounds for each ton milled. The price at that time exceeded $1 a pound, the ore averaged $100 a ton, and they were charging each pan, holding 3,000 pounds of crushed ore, with 300 to 500 pounds of quicksilver. Necessarily, the loss in slimes and quicksilver was heavy. Practically all of this lost silver and gold and quicksilver ran down the cañons into the Carson River, which many have dreamed of an another Pactolus from which great fortunes were to be won. Such an attempt was made many years ago, which resulted in failure. If the material were light enough to be carried down to the river in small streams, the major portion would be carried on indefinitely, particularly by the spring floods. " . . .

[p. 282] Chapter XXVIII "The 1886 Deal"-The Revival from 1886 to 1894-The North End Mines Pumped Out 1899 to 1920

     " . . .

[p. 284] The Revival From 1886 to 1894

     [p. 284] "When the Combination shaft stopped pumping in October 1886, men thought the Comstock was finished. All that remained was the low-grade ore in the old upper levels which had been so honey-combed with workings that there was no hope of finding another bonanza, and only a chance of encountering some fair ore that had been missed. Nor did the remaining low-grade ore give any promise. Those old upper ore bodies had been stripped time and again of all rock that would pay a profit. The stock market was on its last legs.

     " . . .

     [p. 285] "The Belcher and the Crown Point, controlled by the Jones interests, and the Yellow Jacket, by the Sharon interests, reduced 750,000 tons of ore averaging $12 a ton, mill returns, during the eight years following 1882, but only to the advantage of their mills. No dividends were paid, but on the contrary a few assessments were levied when the mill returns failed to pay the expense of mining and milling. Such of the other mines as could find a little ore were producing on the same basis.

     "[Footnote: Comstock mines during the past three years have been steadily increasing the yield from low-grade ores extracted from old workings in the upper levels; no dividends being paid, but nearly all steadily levying assessment. Of course there is no profit in the business on that basis," says the Mining and Scientific Press of December 27, 1884, "and yet most of those interested in the operations of these mines manage to get a profit out of them by ownership of the mills that crush the ore. "]

     " . . .

[p. 289] Chapter XXIX The Balance Sheet of The Comstock

     [p. 289] "An unfavorable feature that was an integral part of the history of the Comstock was the disastrous stock gambling fever with its record of self-deprivations, broken hopes, and shattered lives. Along with this was the unsavory assessment record, often for the benefit only of the few in control of the mines. These debits have been dwelt upon in the preceding pages. The credit side of the balance sheet needs to be emphasized to the reader as he closes this history, that he may take pride in his newly won knowledge of the Comstock Lode.

     "The Comstock was the first silver mining camp in the United States, and its discovery brought a new era not only to California and Nevada, but to the entire West.

     It lifted California out of a disheartening depression. It rejuvenated San Francisco, which in 1860 was but a ragged little town of fifty-two thousand people. In 1861 more substantial brick buildings were erected there than in all of the preceding years, nor did that growth ever cease. The opportunity for investments in the early years was limited, and nearly all of the profits from the Comstock were invested in San Francisco real estate and in the erection of fine buildings. However, the entire State shared in the benefits. California was the source of all supplies, from fruit to mining machinery, and every industry thrived. Even the money that the Californians had contributed for assessments was returned in purchases.

     [p. 289] "The discovery of the Comstock led men to look for mines throughout Nevada and its distant regions. Rich placers were found in Colorado in 1860, and soon afterward in Idaho and Montana. In Nevada, the thriving producing camps of Austin, Hamilton, Eureka, and Belmont sprang up, along with many smaller ones over the State. Mining for the first three decades in the State's history was the main industry, accompanied by the slow growth of the grazing, agricultural, and transportation industries. Mining was the economic factor that caused the separation from Utah of Nevada as a Territory, and later justified and supported statehood for Nevada.

     [p. 289] "During the Civil War the production of the Comstock mines of over fifty millions in silver and gold was a distinct aid to the [p. 290] National Government. When Senator Stewart went to Washington in 1865 President Lincoln said to him: "We need as many loyal States as we can get, and the region you represent made it possible for the Government to maintain sufficient credit to continue this terrible war for the Union."

     "The continued production through the Bonanza days of the '70s aided in the Nation's recovery and its great industrial expansion.

[p. 290] Epilogue

     "The romance of the Comstock will never die. The story is an epic. It was the last stand of the California pioneers where they rose to the height of their brilliant and adventurous careers; and a robust and optimistic people throughout Nevada, many of whom were also pioneers, shared in making unforgettable history. Life was never the same for many of them in the after years, but nothing could take from them their golden memories of the Comstock Lode.

[p. 291] Appendix Table of Production of Comstock Mines from 1859 to January 1, 1882. Notes on Table. Comstock Production and Profits from 1859 to 1882. Table of Production of the Comstock Mines from 1882 to 1919, Inclusive.

[p. 293 ]The Belcher (1863-1881); Tons of Ore: 738,171; Yield: $33,813,015; Per Ton: $45.81; Dividends: $15,397,200; Assessments: $2,419,000; Last dividends:

[p. ][New] California (1875-1882); Tons of Ore: 588,586; Yield: $44,031,733; Per ton: $74.81; Dividends: $31,320,000; Last dividend: 1879

[p. ][Old] California, (1860-1863); Tons of Ore: 5,800; Yield: $100,000; Per ton: $17.07; Dividends: $0; Assessments: $150,000; Last dividend: 1879

[p. 292] Cons. Virginia (1873-1882); Tons of Ore: 809,275; Yield: $61,125,757; Per Ton: $75.53; Dividends: $42,930,000; Assessments,$600.499; Last dividend: 1880.

[p. 293] Crown Point (1864-1878) Tons of Ore: 842,552; Yield: $29,814,507; Per Ton: $35.39; Dividends: $11,588,000; Assessments: $2,623,370; Last Dividend: 1875

[p. ] Gould & Curry Mine (1860-1874); Tons of Ore: 314,988; Yield: $15,664,162; Per ton: $49.76; Dividends: $3,826,800; Assessments: $3,611,000; Last Dividend: 1866 (1870)

[p. ] Hale & Norcross Mine, (1865-1876); Tons of Ore: 322,549; Yield: $7,927,322; Per ton: $24.58; Dividends: $1,598,000; Assessments: $3,810,000; Last Dividend: 1872

[p. ] The Kentuck (1866-1873) Ton of Ore: 138,094; Yield: $4,502,000; Per ton: $32.60; Dividends: $2,184,000; Assessments: $337,500; Last dividend: 1870

[p. ] The Savage Mine (1863-1874) Tons of Ore: 453,760; Yield: $15,718,146; Per ton: $34.64; Dividendends: $4,208,000; Assessments: $5,412,000; Last Dividend: 1869

[p. 293] Yellow Jacket (1863-1874) Tons of Ore: 472,153; Yield: $13,121,176; Per Ton: $27.79; Dividends: $2,184,000; Assessments: $5,238, 000; Last Dividend: 1871

[p. 294] Notes on Comstock Production from 1859 to 1920

    [p. 294] "The foregoing statement of the production of the Comstock mines is as close an estimate as can be made. The production during the '60s and '70s is fairly dependable . . .

     " . . .

     [p. 295] "The production up to 1871 was approximately 60 percent silver and 40 percent gold. Thereafter the Crown Point and Con. Virginia bonanza changed that by returning a slight excess in favor of gold. After 1880, silver fell rapidly in value and the total value production of the Comstock may be stated at 55 percent silver and 45 percent gold.

[p. 295] Comstock Production and Profits from 1859 to 1882.

     [p. 295] " . . .

    ". . . [estimates based on] the sale value which increases the yield of the bonanza mines and of the Crown Point and of the Belcher by about $10,000,000.

     ". . .[estimates of the value of recovery from tailings] "worked by various private mills" ought to be $23,765.000 . . . The Bonanza Firm alone produced about $12,000,000 from tailings, up to 1881, and Sharon and Jones as much more.

     [p. 296] " . . .

     "Lord's estimate of private profits is $2,000,000, whereas the Bonanza Firm alone made $9.070,728 from milling contracts, including profits from tailings and Sharon and associates, and Jones and associates in like manner, gathered in an additional $10,000,000. (It was not considered "good form" at that time to refer to private profits.) The total of private profits was not less than $20,000,000. Expenditures by nonboard companies (referred to as "private companies"), and by individuals, from which no returns were had, may be placed at $11,000,000.

" . . .

G. H Smith Selected Bibliography:

Chicago Inter-Ocean, 1875

Comstock Mining and Miners, p. 418 (1893)

Davis History of Nevada, pp. 421-423, (1913)

Dan DeQuille Big Bonanza, (1875)

Wolf Drury An Editor on the Comstock Lode (1936)

Vincent P. Gianella, Geology of the Silver City and the Southern Portion of the Comstock Lode, Nevada, Vol. 30, No. 9, University of Nevada Bulletin: Reno, Nevada, Vol. 30, No. 9, 1936

Dr. V.P. Gianella Comstock Lode Study, Nevada Bureau of Mines and The United States Geological Survey unpublished ms., 1930s

Gold Hill News, July 5, 1873

Gold Hill News, July 7, 1873

Harry M. Gorham, My Memories of the Comstock (1939)

J.P. Jones, Annual Report, Crown Point Mine, May 1, 1873, U.S. Mineral Resources for 1873, pp. 177-186.

King History of San Francisco Stock Exchange, p. 153, (1910)

Lord Comstock Mining and Miners, pp. 183-190, 266-268, 409 (1883)

The Mining and Scientific Press, February 2, 1875

Nevada Historical Magazine, 1911-1912

Nevada State Writers Project of W.P.A., "Individual Histories of the Mines of the Comstock," fifty-six properties in all.Typewritten ms. form for consultation at the State Library in Carson City and in the Bureau's office at the Mackay School of Mines, unpublished ms., 1943

The New York Tribune1875

New York Tribune, September 16, 1875 

Raymond Rossiter, U.S. Mines and Mining for 1872, p. 118,

Raymond Rossiter, U.S. Mines and Mining Report for 1873,

San Francisco Chronicle, January 4, 1875

The San Francisco Enterprise, March 31, 1875,

Shinn The History of the Mine, p. 250, (1896)

A.M. Smith The Mines and Mills of Silver City, Nevada, University of Nevada Bulletin: Reno, Nevada, Vol. 26, No. 5, 1932. 

Grant H. Smith The History of the Comstock Lode 1850-1920, Geology and Mining Series No. 37, University of Nevada Bulletin: Reno, Nevada, vol. XXXVII. 1 July 1943, no. 3, (revised 1966), Ninth printing, 1980. 305pp., 1873, 1872, 1860s

Grant H. Smith The Life of John Mackay and the History of the Comstock Lode, unpublished ms., 1943

Grant H. Smith Unpublished mss., 1943

Mark Sullivan Our Times, 1900-1925, Vol. 2, pp. 284-292.

Thompson & West History of Nevada, p. 92 (1881)

VirginiaEvening Chronicle, December 12, 1874,

George J. Young The Ventilating System at the Comstock Mines, Nevada, University of Nevada Bulletin: Reno, Nevada, Vol. 3, No. 4, 1909 (out of print). 

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 Kelyn Roberts 2017